▲ 2014年3月18日俄羅斯強人普亭就併吞克里米亞之事向國會發表演講
（圖：取自網路）
獨派大老彭明敏昨天發表《理想的總統》一文，提出理想的總管的十個條件。其中第二個條件說：「講話有力有物，有熱情而有理想，令人感動。不是八面玲瓏，四平八穩，模稜兩可，左右逢源，重複文宣八股，不知所云。」
將要問鼎總管職位的民進黨主席空心蔡「講話有力有物，有熱情而有理想，令人感動」嗎？No！她正好是彭明敏說的，「八面玲瓏，四平八穩，模稜兩可，左右逢源，重複文宣八股，不知所云」。彭明敏大概對空心蔡也看不慣，才忍不住說了這幾句。
彭明敏心目中理想總管的第三個條件是：「有魄力和能力將有複雜傳統的軍隊和情治機構，充分把握控制之。」
現任總管馬英九已經「將有複雜傳統的軍隊和情治機構，充分把握控制之」。但彭明敏會認為馬英九是理想的總管嗎？應該不會。彭明敏講的理想總管一定是獨派的。他所謂軍隊和情治機構的「複雜傳統」，應指蔣介石傳下來的大中國思想的傳統。所謂「充分把握控制之」，應指轉變他們的大中國思想，為台獨立場的總管所用。
我一向主張，台獨會兩岸緊張，不是請客吃飯。迷信民主，婆婆媽媽的人不堪台獨的重任。台獨為唯有強人領導，並採行「執政革命，廢法建國」的方式，才能成功。所謂強人，除了內心堅強（有堅定的台獨信念）之外，外在的實力也要堅強。所謂外在的實力，除了粉絲人氣之外，還要能掌握軍、警、特。這就是彭明敏所說的，「有魄力和能力將有複雜傳統的軍隊和情治機構，充分把握控制之。」
與軍隊和情治機構沒有淵源的獨派總管很難「充分把握控制」軍隊和情治機構，使他們效力台獨。因此，有魄力和能力將有蔣介石傳下來的大中國思想的軍隊和情治機構，為台獨立場的總管所用，這種狀況很難出現，除非總管出身於軍隊和情治機構，而他支持台獨或同情台獨。
俄羅斯的強人普亭就是出身情治機構，因此他能「充分把握控制」軍隊和情治機構。我想，台灣獨立的重任可能需要由如俄羅斯的普亭那樣出身軍隊或情治機構的強人來擔任，才有辦法達成。迷信民主，婆婆媽媽的書呆子，如空心蔡，絕對不行。這種爛貨只會從眾媚俗、維持現狀，沒辦法實現轉型正義，更沒辦法執政革命，實現台獨。
問題是，台灣的獨派的普亭在哪裡？沒有獨派的普亭，獨派的葉爾欽、李光耀也行。獨派的葉爾欽、李光耀在哪裡？
附帶言者，很多人不喜歡李光耀，我也不喜歡。但我的理由不同。我不喜歡李光耀是因為他反台獨。至於他的「開明專制」或「威權領導」，我倒滿同情，並認為值得台灣獨派學習。我的基本考慮是，台獨是革命，不是請客吃飯，不只是「凍蒜！凍蒜！」，還要「戰鬥！戰鬥！」。
● 相關拙作
-----------------------------
參考資料
-----------------------------
◎ 彭明敏（作者為前總統府資政）
自由時報 2015-04-29
06:00
每一庶民心目中，大概都有一個理想的總統，但現實使人失望，因世上沒有完人，完美的總統，恐永久不會出現，但以理想總統做為規準，評斷實際的候選人，或許會幫助應投票給誰。理想的總統，可不外於：
一、外表和舉止，昂首直背，具有最高領袖的格調，令人肅然。
二、講話有力有物，有熱情而有理想，令人感動。不是八面玲瓏，四平八穩，模稜兩可，左右逢源，重複文宣八股，不知所云。
三、有魄力和能力將有複雜傳統的軍中和情治機構，充分把握控制之。
四、有魄力和能力將龐大的官僚機構，推動改革。
五、對已失去控制而近於天文數字的國債，有計畫控制之。
六、對於全國教育能以認同台灣為基本，徹底改革。
七、面對中國，有勇氣及能力，堅持台灣主權，確認民主自由，同時維持適度的交流。
八、有能力加強與美、日軍事外交關係，努力加入國際組織，至少與國際社會保持密切接觸。
九、不施放煙火、不辦花博、國際運動會一類浪費巨資而無意義的活動，將其資源用做提高國民福利，如學校營養午餐、照顧老貧殘弱者。
十、廢止核電，重訂產業政策，提高國民所得，改善勞工、農民福利。
-----------------------------
文匯網（香港） 2014-03-20
【文匯網訊】據環球時報報道，當地時間3月18日，俄總統普京、克里米亞議會議長康斯坦丁諾夫、克里米亞總理阿克肖諾夫和塞瓦斯托波爾市議會主席恰雷，共同簽署有關克里米亞共和國和塞瓦斯托波爾市加入俄羅斯聯邦的條約。簽字儀式結束，俄羅斯國歌奏響在克里姆林宮。
在簽字的前一刻，當天下午3時(北京時間18日晚7時)，普京在克里姆林宮向議會上下兩院發表電視演講，就克里米亞問題闡述俄方立場。現場聽眾包括俄國家杜馬議員、聯邦委員會成員、俄聯邦各地區負責人和公民社會代表，以及前來商討入俄事宜的克里米亞領導人。普京發表了極具愛國激情的演講，不時為與會者全體起立歡呼、鼓掌喝彩和淚水所打斷。
以下為留俄青年學者高原、糜緒洋為觀察者網獨家翻譯普京演講全文：
Dear friends, we have gathered here today in connection
with an issue that is of vital, historic significance to all of us. A
referendum was held in Crimea on March 16 in full compliance with democratic
procedures and international norms.
尊敬的朋友們，我們今天聚在這裡，為的是解決一個性命攸關的問題，一個對我們來說有歷史意義的問題。3月16日，在克里米亞舉行了全民公決，此次公決完全符合民主程序和國際法規則。
More than 82% of the electorate took part in the vote.
Over 96% of them spoke out in favour of reuniting with Russia. These numbers
speak for themselves.
參與公決的有82%的居民，其中超過96%的選民支持克里米亞併入俄羅斯，這個數字非常具有說服力。
To understand the reason behind such a choice it is
enough to know the history of Crimea and what Russia and Crimea have always
meant for each other.
要想知道為什麼要進行公決，只需要瞭解一下克里米亞的歷史，要知道從過去到現在，克里米亞對俄羅斯意味著什麼，俄羅斯對克里米亞又意味著什麼。
Everything in Crimea speaks of our shared history and pride. This is the
location of ancient Khersones, where Prince Vladimir was baptised. His
spiritual feat of adopting Orthodoxy predetermined the overall basis of the
culture, civilisation and human values that unite the peoples of Russia,
Ukraine and Belarus. The graves of Russian soldiers whose bravery brought
Crimea into the Russian empire are also in Crimea.
克里米亞滲透著我們共同的歷史與驕傲。這裡坐落著古老的古希臘城市克森尼索，正是在這裡弗拉基米爾大公接受了洗禮，使得俄羅斯成為一個東正教國家。它的這一精神遺產奠定了俄羅斯、烏克蘭和白俄羅斯的共同文化、價值觀與文明基礎，注定使得我們三國的人民結合在一起。在克里米亞有俄羅斯士兵的墓地，憑借這些士兵的英勇作戰，俄羅斯在1783年將克里米亞收入自己的領土。
This is also Sevastopol - a legendary city with an outstanding history, a
fortress that serves as the birthplace of Russia's Black Sea Fleet. Crimea is Balaklava
and Kerch, Malakhov Kurgan and Sapun Ridge. Each one of these places is dear to
our hearts, symbolising Russian military glory and outstanding valour.
這裡有塞瓦斯托波爾，傳說之城，偉大的命運之城，堡壘之城，是俄羅斯黑海艦隊的故鄉。在克里米亞有巴拉克拉瓦和刻赤，馬拉霍夫古墓和薩布恩山。這裡的每一個地方對我們來說都是神聖的，是俄羅斯軍隊榮耀與勇氣的象徵。
Crimea is a unique blend of different peoples' cultures
and traditions. This makes it similar to Russia as a whole, where not a single
ethnic group has been lost over the centuries. Russians and Ukrainians, Crimean
Tatars and people of other ethnic groups have lived side by side in Crimea,
retaining their own identity, traditions, languages and faith.
克里米亞是獨一無二的多民族文化混合體。在這一點上，克里米亞與大俄羅斯非常相似，在幾個世紀中，這裡沒有一個民族徹底消失。俄羅斯人和烏克蘭人，克里米亞韃靼人與其他民族的代表在克里米亞的土地上生活、工作，都保持了自己的風格、傳統、語言和信仰。
Incidentally, the total population of the Crimean peninsula today is 2.2
million people, of whom almost 1.5 million are Russians, 350,000 are Ukrainians
who predominantly consider Russian their native language, and about
290,000-300,000 are Crimean Tatars, who, as the referendum has shown, also lean
towards Russia.
順便說一下，在克里米亞半島今天的220萬居民中，有近150萬的俄羅斯人，35萬以俄語為母語的烏克蘭人，還有29-30萬克里米亞韃靼人，公投已經表明，這些人中相當一部分期望加入俄羅斯。
True, there was a time when Crimean Tatars were treated
unfairly, just as a number of other peoples in the USSR. There is only one
thing I can say here: millions of people of various ethnicities suffered during
those repressions, and primarily Russians.
是的，曾經有過一段時間，克里米亞韃靼人受到了非常殘酷地對待，就像蘇聯的其他民族一樣。我只說一點：當時受到鎮壓的有成百萬的不同民族的人，當然其中也有俄羅斯人。
Crimean Tatars returned to their homeland. I believe we
should make all the necessary political and legislative decisions to finalise
the rehabilitation of Crimean Tatars, restore them in their rights and clear
their good name.
克里米亞韃靼人已經回到了自己的土地。我認為，應當採取一切必要的政治與法律手段來恢復克里米亞韃靼人的權利與英名。
We have great respect for people of all the ethnic groups
living in Crimea. This is their common home, their motherland, and it would be
right - I know the local population supports this - for Crimea to have three
equal national languages: Russian, Ukrainian and Tatar.
我們將會滿懷尊敬地對待居住在克里米亞的少數民族。這是他們共同的家園，他們的小小祖國。我知道克里米亞人會支持這一點：在克里米亞將有三個地位平等的官方語言——俄語、烏克蘭語和克里米亞韃靼語。(掌聲)
Colleagues. In people's hearts and minds, Crimea has
always been an inseparable part of Russia. This firm conviction is based on
truth and justice and was passed from generation to generation, over time,
under any circumstances, despite all the dramatic changes our country went
through during the entire 20th Century.
尊敬的同事們! 在克里米亞人民的心裡，在他們的記憶裡，他們曾經是，也始終是俄羅斯不可分割的一部分。這份信念建立在真理與公平的基礎上，它無可動搖、代代相傳，在它面前，任何時間與環境變遷都是無力的。我們在二十世紀一起經受了許多動盪與變革，但這些變化也無力改變這份信念。
After the revolution, the Bolsheviks, for a number of
reasons - may God judge them - added large sections of the historical south of
Russia to the Republic of Ukraine. This was done with no consideration for the
ethnic make-up of the population, and today these areas form the south-east of
Ukraine. Then, in 1954, a decision was made to transfer the Crimean region to
Ukraine, along with Sevastopol, despite the fact that it was a federal city.
This was the personal initiative of the Communist Party head Nikita Khrushchev.
What stood behind this decision of his - a desire to win the support of the
Ukrainian political establishment or to atone for the mass repressions of the
1930s in Ukraine - is for historians to figure out.
(十月)革命後，(蘇聯)共產黨將俄羅斯南部一大塊劃入烏克蘭版圖，上帝會論斷此事——這是無視當地人口構成所做出的舉動，今天，這塊土地成為了烏克蘭的東南部分。1954年，根據將克里米亞劃入烏克蘭的決定，塞瓦斯托波爾也同時被移交給烏克蘭，儘管當時塞瓦斯托波爾還是從屬於俄羅斯的。提出這一決定的是蘇聯共產黨總書記赫魯曉夫。是什麼推動了他做出這一決定?是為了在烏克蘭贏得自己的聲譽?還是為了自己30年代在烏克蘭組織大規模鎮壓的舉動贖罪?這一點讓歷史學家來研究吧。
What matters now is that this decision was made in clear
violation of the constitutional norms that were in place even then. The
decision was made behind the scenes. Naturally, in a totalitarian state nobody
bothered to ask the citizens of Crimea and Sevastopol. They were faced with the
fact. People, of course, wondered why all of a sudden Crimea became part of
Ukraine. But on the whole - and we must state this clearly, we all know it -
this decision was treated as a formality of sorts because the territory was
transferred within the boundaries of a single state. Back then, it was
impossible to imagine that Ukraine and Russia may split up and become two
separate states. However, this has happened.
對我們來還有一點很重要：這個決定(把克里米亞交給烏克蘭)明顯有違憲法，即使在當時也是如此，這是私相授受。自然，在極權國家裡，克里米亞和塞瓦斯托波爾的居民無處申辯，擺在他們面前的只有既成事實了。當時在百姓中也產生了疑問：克里米亞怎麼突然歸烏克蘭了?當然，當時從宏觀視角來看，這個決定也只是表面文章，要知道這都發生在一個巨大的國家之內。只是當時完全不能想像，烏克蘭和俄羅斯會有一天成為兩個不同的國家。然而，這件事還是發生了。
Unfortunately, what seemed impossible became a reality.
The USSR fell apart. Things developed so swiftly that few people realised how
truly dramatic those events and their consequences would be. Many people both
in Russia and in Ukraine, as well as in other republics hoped that the
Commonwealth of Independent States that was created at the time would become
the new common form of statehood. They were told that there would be a single
currency, a single economic space, joint armed forces; however, all this
remained empty promises, while the big country was gone. It was only when
Crimea ended up as part of a different country that Russia realised that it was
not simply robbed, it was plundered.
令人惋惜啊!那些看似不可能的事情成為了現實。蘇聯解體了。這件事發生得如此之突然，很少有人明白這過程與結果是多麼戲劇性。許多俄羅斯人、烏克蘭人和其他共和國的人民期待新的聯合，期待獨聯體會成為新形式的國家共同體，畢竟獨聯體承諾使用統一貨幣、統一的經濟空間和共同的武裝力量。可是這一切都只是(空頭)承諾罷了，我們並沒有看到一個新的龐大聯盟。這樣，克里米亞就突然就成為另一個國家的國土了，俄羅斯這才意識到，克里米亞不僅僅是被偷走了，而且是被搶走了。
At the same time, we have to admit that by launching the
sovereignty parade Russia itself aided in the collapse of the Soviet Union. And
as this collapse was legalised, everyone forgot about Crimea and Sevastopol -
the main base of the Black Sea Fleet. Millions of people went to bed in one
country and awoke in different ones, overnight becoming ethnic minorities in
former Union republics, while the Russian nation became one of the biggest, if
not the biggest ethnic group in the world to be divided by borders.
必須面對這樣的事實：俄羅斯自己促成了蘇聯的解體，卻丟下了克里米亞和黑海艦隊的基地——塞瓦斯托波爾。成千上百萬的俄羅斯人在一個國家上床睡覺，醒來時卻已身在俄羅斯之外了。俄羅斯人一瞬間就在過去的共和國裡成為了少數民族。俄羅斯民族成為了世界上最分裂的民族。
Now, many years later, I heard residents of Crimea say
that back in 1991 they were handed over like a sack of potatoes. This is hard
to disagree with. And what about the Russian state? What about Russia? It
humbly accepted the situation. This country was going through such hard times
then that realistically it was incapable of protecting its interests. However,
the people could not reconcile themselves to this outrageous historical
injustice. All these years, citizens and many public figures came back to this
issue, saying that Crimea is historically Russian land and Sevastopol is a
Russian city.
今天，許多年過去了，我聽說，在1991年時，克里米亞人像一袋土豆一樣被踢來踢去。對這個說法，我認為很難有更貼切的比喻。作為國家的俄羅斯是什麼?是那時的俄國嗎?俄羅斯低下了頭逆來順受，將委屈吞了下去。我們國家當時處在一個沉重的狀態，完全不能保護自己的利益。但是，人們卻不能忍受如此明目張膽的歷史不公正。這些年，許多俄羅斯公民和社會活動家不止一次地提出了這個議題，他們說，克里米亞自古以來就是俄羅斯的土地，而塞瓦斯托波爾是俄羅斯的城市。
Yes, we all knew this in our hearts and minds, but we had
to proceed from the existing reality and build our good-neighbourly relations
with independent Ukraine on a new basis. Meanwhile, our relations with Ukraine,
with the fraternal Ukrainian people have always been and will remain of
foremost importance for us.
是的，這些我們都明白，我們的心和靈魂都感受到了。我國和烏克蘭之間的關係、俄烏人民的手足之情曾經是，現在是，將來也是我們最重要和最關鍵的關係，毫不誇張。(掌聲)
Today we can speak about it openly, and I would like to share with you
some details of the negotiations that took place in the early 2000s. The then
president of Ukraine Mr [Leonid] Kuchma asked me to expedite the process of
delimiting the Russian-Ukrainian border. At that time, the process was
practically at a standstill. Russia seemed to have recognised Crimea as part of
Ukraine, but there were no negotiations on delimiting the borders. Despite the
complexity of the situation, I immediately issued instructions to Russian
government agencies to speed up their work to document the borders, so that
everyone had a clear understanding that by agreeing to delimit the border we
admitted de facto and de jure that Crimea was Ukrainian territory, thereby
closing the issue.
不過，今天我們要打開天窗說亮話了，我想和你們分享21世紀初的那些談判的細節。當時的烏克蘭總統庫奇馬請我加快俄羅斯與烏克蘭之間的劃界進程。直到現在，這一進程基本沒有推進。俄羅斯模糊地承認克里米亞是烏克蘭的一部分，但是這一談判根本沒有進行。瞭解了這一進程的停滯後，我下令啟動劃界的工作，我們實際上從法律角度已經承認了克里米亞是烏克蘭領土，同時也最終終止了這一問題的討論。
We accommodated Ukraine not only regarding Crimea, but
also on such a complicated matter as the maritime boundary in the Sea of Azov
and the Kerch Strait. What we proceeded from back then was that good relations
with Ukraine matter most for us and they should not fall hostage to deadlock
territorial disputes. However, we expected Ukraine to remain our good
neighbour, we hoped that Russian citizens and Russian speakers in Ukraine,
especially its south-east and Crimea, would live in a friendly, democratic and
civilised state that would protect their rights in line with the norms of
international law.
我們不僅在克里米亞問題上迎合了烏克蘭，在亞速海和刻赤海峽的劃界上也是。我們為什麼會這麼做?因為俄羅斯和烏克蘭的關係對我們是最重要的，它不能因為領土問題而陷入僵局。我們當然期望烏克蘭會是我們的好鄰居，希望俄羅斯人和烏克蘭使用俄語的人能生活在和睦、民主、文明的國家之中，期望他們的合法利益可以在符合國際法的基礎上得到保障。
However, this is not how the situation developed. Time
and time again attempts were made to deprive Russians of their historical
memory, even of their language and to subject them to forced assimilation.
Moreover, Russians, just as other citizens of Ukraine are suffering from the
constant political and state crisis that has been rocking the country for more
than 20 years.
但是局勢開始往另一個方向發展了。一次又一次，俄羅斯歷史遺跡被毀壞，甚至俄語也不時地遭受被強迫同化的厄運。當然，俄羅斯人和烏克蘭人都被這20年間連續不斷的政治和國家危機所折磨。
I understand why Ukrainian people wanted change. They
have had enough of the authorities in power during the years of Ukraine's
independence. Presidents, prime ministers and parliamentarians changed, but
their attitude to the country and its people remained the same. They milked the
country, fought among themselves for power, assets and cash flows and did not
care much about the ordinary people. They did not wonder why it was that
millions of Ukrainian citizens saw no prospects at home and went to other
countries to work as day labourers. I would like to stress this: it was not
some Silicon Valley they fled to, but to become day labourers. Last year alone
almost 3 million people found such jobs in Russia. According to some sources,
in 2013 their earnings in Russia totalled over $20bn (£16.7bn), which is about
12% of Ukraine's GDP.
我理解烏克蘭人民想要變革的訴求。多年來當權者帶來的所謂「獨立」已經讓人們厭煩了。總統換了，總理換了，議員換了，但對國家和人民的態度還是沒有變。他們「搾乾」了烏克蘭，為了權力和金錢而互相內鬥。當權者不關心人民的生活，不關心烏克蘭人為什麼要為了生計而背井離鄉。我要強調，這些烏克蘭人不是為了發展而移居到什麼硅谷之類的地方，而是為了生計而外出打零工。去年僅在俄羅斯就有300萬烏克蘭人工作。有些數據表明，在俄烏克蘭人的工資在2013年達到了200億美元，這幾乎是烏克蘭GDP的12%。
I would like to reiterate that I understand those who came out on Maidan
with peaceful slogans against corruption, inefficient state management and
poverty. The right to peaceful protest, democratic procedures and elections
exist for the sole purpose of replacing the authorities that do not satisfy the
people. However, those who stood behind the latest events in Ukraine had a
different agenda: they were preparing yet another government takeover; they
wanted to seize power and would stop short of nothing. They resorted to terror,
murder and riots. Nationalists, neo-Nazis, Russophobes and anti-Semites
executed this coup. They continue to set the tone in Ukraine to this day.
我再重申一次，我很理解那些喊著和平的口號，上獨立廣場示威，抗議腐敗、執政無能和貧困的人。人們有權和平抗議，也可以通過民主程序或選舉來更替自己不滿的政權。可是，在烏克蘭近期事件的背後站著另外一些人，他們有著不同的目標：他們籌備又一次政變，他們計劃奪取政權，不達目的誓不罷休。伴隨這一進程而來的是恐怖、殺戮和種族迫害。政變的主要執行者是民族主義者、新納粹分子、恐俄者和反猶分子。
The new so-called authorities began by introducing a draft law to revise
the language policy, which was a direct infringement on the rights of ethnic
minorities. However, they were immediately "disciplined" by the
foreign sponsors of these so-called politicians. One has to admit that the
mentors of these current authorities are smart and know well what such attempts
to build a purely Ukrainian state may lead to. The draft law was set aside, but
clearly reserved for the future. Hardly any mention is made of this attempt
now, probably on the presumption that people have a short memory. Nevertheless,
we can all clearly see the intentions of these ideological heirs of Bandera, Hitler's
accomplice during World War Two.
這個所謂「政權」，上台第一件事就是提出聲名狼藉的法令修改語言政策，這直接鉗制了少數民族的權利。這些「政治家」們在西方的贊助人和保護人馬上出面，讓議題的發起人收手。公允地說，這些背後的大佬還算是聰明人，他們明白這種建設「純淨」烏克蘭族國家的舉動會導致什麼。於是法案被擱置了，擱置到一旁，不過顯然還是留作備胎的。關於這條議案存在的事實，西方媒體倒是一聲不吭，估計是指望人們能快點忘記。但是所有人心裡都很清楚，這些二戰時希特勒的幫兇——斯捷潘·班傑拉(烏克蘭民族主義者，二戰時納粹支持的傀儡政客，波蘭大屠殺的主犯之一——觀察者網注)分子的繼承人在將來會想要做什麼。
It is also obvious that there is no legitimate executive
authority in Ukraine now, nobody to talk to. Many government agencies have been
taken over by the impostors, but they do not have any control in the country,
while they themselves - and I would like to stress this - are often controlled
by radicals. In some cases, you need a special permit from the militants on
Maidan to meet with certain ministers of the current government. This is not a
joke - this is reality.
還有一個事實很清楚，到現在烏克蘭也沒有一個合法的政權，沒人能與之進行談判。很多國家機關被篡權者霸佔著，這些人對烏克蘭發生的任何事情都放任不管，而他們自己——我想強調這一點——他們自己還處在極端分子的挾持之中。現在，甚至要求現任政府的官員出來見面，都要得到廣場上那些鬥士們的允許。這不是玩笑話，這是當下的現實。
Those who opposed the coup were immediately threatened
with repression. Naturally, the first in line here was Crimea, the
Russian-speaking Crimea. In view of this, the residents of Crimea and
Sevastopol turned to Russia for help in defending their rights and lives, in
preventing the events that were unfolding and are still underway in Kiev,
Donetsk, Kharkov and other Ukrainian cities.
那些抵制政變的人很快受到鎮壓和懲罰的威脅，首當其衝的就是克里米亞。因此，克里米亞和塞瓦斯托波爾的居民向俄羅斯求助，希望俄羅斯能保護他們的利益和人身安全。他們希望俄羅斯不要對烏克蘭已經發生的事情坐視不管。在基輔、頓涅茨克、哈爾科夫和其他烏克蘭城市，這些事仍然在上演。
Naturally, we could not leave this plea unheeded; we
could not abandon Crimea and its residents in distress. This would have been
betrayal on our part.
我們當然不能忽視這樣的請求，我們不能讓克里米亞的居民生活在水深火熱之中，否則就會成為一種背叛。
First, we had to help create conditions so that the
residents of Crimea for the first time in history were able to peacefully
express their free will regarding their own future. However, what do we hear
from our colleagues in Western Europe and North America? They say we are
violating norms of international law. Firstly, it's a good thing that they at
least remember that there exists such a thing as international law - better
late than never.
首先我們要保衛人民和平自由地表達意願的權利，讓克里米亞人民自古以來頭一回決定自己的命運。然而，我們從西歐和美國聽到了什麼樣的回應?他們說，我們違反了國際法。我想說，首先，他們自己想起了還有國際法這麼一個東西。這很好，應該為此而謝謝他們，晚知道總比不知道好。
Secondly, and most importantly - what exactly are we
violating? True, the president of the Russian Federation received permission
from the upper house of parliament to use the armed forces in Ukraine. However,
strictly speaking, nobody has acted on this permission yet. Russia's armed
forces never entered Crimea; they were there already in line with an
international agreement. True, we did enhance our forces there; however - this
is something I would like everyone to hear and know - we did not exceed the
personnel limit of our armed forces in Crimea, which is set at 25,000, because
there was no need to do so.
其次，最重要的是：我們違反了什麼?是的，俄羅斯總統從上議院手中獲得了向烏克蘭動武的權力。但是嚴格來說，這權力到現在還沒有被使用過。俄羅斯的武裝力量沒有進入克里米亞，當地的俄羅斯駐軍完全符合此前的國際協議。是的，我們加強了當地的俄羅斯武裝力量，但是——我要強調這一點，我要讓所有人都聽見——我們甚至都沒有超過駐克里米亞俄軍的人數上限，2萬5千人，這只是以備不時之需。
Next, as it declared independence and decided to hold a referendum, the
Supreme Council of Crimea referred to the United Nations Charter, which speaks
of the right of nations to self-determination. Incidentally, I would like to
remind you that when Ukraine seceded from the USSR it did exactly the same
thing, almost word for word. Ukraine used this right, yet the residents of
Crimea are denied it. Why is that?
我們接著說獨立公決的事情。宣佈獨立，安排全民公決，克里米亞議會的這些舉動完全符合聯合國有關民族自決的章程。順帶一提，烏克蘭自己在脫離蘇聯的時候也走了同樣的流程，經歷了完全一樣的步驟。烏克蘭有這樣的權利，而克里米亞人這樣做卻不被接受，什麼道理?
Moreover, the Crimean authorities referred to the well-known Kosovo
precedent - a precedent our Western colleagues created with their own hands in
a very similar situation, when they agreed that the unilateral separation of Kosovo
from Serbia, exactly what Crimea is doing now, was legitimate and did not
require any permission from the country's central authorities. Pursuant to
Article 2, Chapter 1 of the United Nations Charter, the UN International Court
agreed with this approach and made the following comment in its ruling of July
22, 2010, and I quote: "No general prohibition may be inferred from the
practice of the Security Council with regard to declarations of
independence," and "General international law contains no prohibition
on declarations of independence." Crystal clear, as they say.
除此之外，克里米亞政府還有科索沃這一先例，這一先例是我們西方的夥伴自己造的，親手製造的，和克里米亞現在的情況完全一樣。他們承認科索沃從塞爾維亞獨立出來是合法的，並向所有人證明，科索沃獨立不需要得到任何中央政府的允許。聯合國國際法庭根據聯合國章程第一款第二條條例同意了科索沃獨立，還在2010年7月22日說了如下這番話，我來逐字逐句地引用：「聯合國安理會不會(對科索沃獨立)採取措施，不會禁止單方面的獨立聲明。」還有：「普適的國際法不會包含禁止獨立的禁令。」這些都已經說得非常清楚了。
I do not like to resort to quotes, but in this case, I cannot help it.
Here is a quote from another official document: the Written Statement of the
United States America of April 17, 2009, submitted to the same UN International
Court in connection with the hearings on Kosovo. Again, I quote:
"Declarations of independence may, and often do, violate domestic
legislation. However, this does not make them violations of international
law." End of quote. They wrote this, disseminated it all over the world,
had everyone agree and now they are outraged. Over what? The actions of Crimean
people completely fit in with these instructions, as it were. For some reason,
things that Kosovo Albanians (and we have full respect for them) were permitted
to do, Russians, Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars in Crimea are not allowed.
Again, one wonders why.
我還能找到一個官方文件的引用，這次是美國2009年4月17日簽署的備忘錄，正與國際法庭審理科索沃事件有關。我再來引用一下：「獨立宣言或許經常違反母國家的法律，但這並不意味著它違反了國際法。」引用完畢。他們自己白紙黑字寫的東西，推廣到全世界，強迫所有人接受，現在倒義憤填膺起來了。憑什麼?要知道克里米亞人的行動完全符合這些規定。為什麼阿爾巴尼亞人(我們很尊敬他們)在科索沃能在這麼做，為什麼我們俄羅斯人、烏克蘭人和克里米亞韃靼人就不能做?為什麼?
We keep hearing from the United States and Western Europe that Kosovo is
some special case. What makes it so special in the eyes of our colleagues? It
turns out that it is the fact that the conflict in Kosovo resulted in so many
human casualties. Is this a legal argument? The ruling of the International
Court says nothing about this. This is not even double standards; this is
amazing, primitive, blunt cynicism. One should not try so crudely to make
everything suit their interests, calling the same thing white today and black
tomorrow. According to this logic, we have to make sure every conflict leads to
human losses.
同樣也是美國和歐洲告訴我們，科索沃又是個特殊情況。那麼在我們的同行們看來，科索沃的特殊性體現在哪裡呢?哦，原來體現在衝突過程中有大量人員死傷。這算什麼，司法證據嗎?在國際法庭的仲裁中這根本不算個事兒。用雙重標準都沒法形容這種說法。這是驚人的、原始的、赤裸裸的恬不知恥。西方不能為自己的利益就把一切事情都那麼粗暴地拼湊起來，同一件事情你今天說它是白的，明天說它是黑的。你們拿傷亡作為獨立的理由，是不是西方國家希望任何矛盾都導致人員傷亡?然後才有資格獲得解決?
I will state clearly - if the Crimean local self-defence
units had not taken the situation under control, there could have been
casualties as well. Fortunately this did not happen. There was not a single
armed confrontation in Crimea and no casualties. Why do you think this was so?
The answer is simple: because it is very difficult, practically impossible to
fight against the will of the people. Here I would like to thank the Ukrainian
military - and this is 22,000 fully armed servicemen. I would like to thank
those Ukrainian service members who refrained from bloodshed and did not smear
their uniforms in blood.
我直說吧：假如克里米亞自衛軍沒有及時控制局勢，那裡也會出現人員傷亡。老天幫忙，這種事情沒有發生!在克里米亞沒有發生一起武裝衝突，也沒有人員傷亡。聽眾們可以想一想，這是為什麼?答案很簡單：因為要對抗人民和人民的意志是很困難的，或者乾脆就是不可能的。在這一點上我想要感謝烏克蘭的軍人，他們為數不少，一共有2萬2千全副武裝的士兵。我想感謝你們沒有用流血解決問題，沒有用血沾污了自己。
Other thoughts come to mind in this connection. They keep
talking of some Russian intervention in Crimea, some sort of aggression. This
is strange to hear. I cannot recall a single case in history of an intervention
without a single shot being fired and with no human casualties.
在這件事上當然也有不同的聲音。有人說什麼俄羅斯是在干涉、侵略克里米亞。聽起來怪怪的。你聽說過歷史上有過不放槍、不死人的軍事干涉嗎?
Colleagues. Like a mirror, the situation in Ukraine
reflects what is going on and what has been happening in the world over the
past several decades. After the dissolution of bipolarity on the planet, we no
longer have stability. Key international institutions are not getting any
stronger; on the contrary, in many cases, they are sadly degrading.
尊敬的同事們! 烏克蘭局勢就像一面鏡子，折射出近幾十年來發生在世界上的種種事件。自從兩極體系不存在後，地球上的太平日子就一去不復返了。遺憾的是，關鍵性國際機構的地位不僅沒有得到鞏固，反而在不斷退化。
Our Western partners, led by the United States of
America, prefer not to be guided by international law in their practical
policies, but by the rule of the gun. They have come to believe in their
exclusivity and exceptionalism, that they can decide the destinies of the
world, that only they can ever be right. They act as they please: here and
there, they use force against sovereign states, building coalitions based on
the principle, "If you are not with us, you are against us." To make
this aggression look legitimate, they force the necessary resolutions from
international organisations, and if for some reason this does not work, they
simply ignore the UN Security Council and the UN overall.
在實際政治運作中，以美利堅合眾國為首的西方國家們並不喜歡國際法來，他們傾向於推行強權主義。他們堅信自己是上帝的選民，是唯一的例外，他們堅信世界的命運要由他們來決定，堅信只有自己是永遠正確的。他們在這個世界上為所欲為：一會兒對這個、一會兒對那個主權國家動武，以「要麼與美國站在一起，要麼成為美國的敵人」(出自布什為紀念發動伊拉克戰爭一週年而發表的第二次講話——觀察者網注)為原則構建同盟。為了給自己的侵略加上合法性的幌子，他們從國際組織中挑選需要的決議，要是找不到，那就管它聯合國(大會)還是安理會，一概忽略。
This happened in Yugoslavia; we remember 1999 very well.
It was hard to believe, even seeing it with my own eyes, that at the end of the
20th Century, one of Europe's capitals, Belgrade, was under missile attack for
several weeks, and then came the real intervention. Was there a UN Security
Council resolution on this matter, allowing for these actions? Nothing of the
sort. And then, they hit Afghanistan, Iraq, and frankly violated the UN
Security Council resolution on Libya, when instead of imposing the so-called
no-fly zone over it they started bombing it too.
在南斯拉夫他們就是這麼幹的，1999年，我們都記得很清楚。我當時很難相信自己的眼睛，在20世紀末，在一個歐洲國家的首都上空，持續幾周呼嘯著導彈和炸彈，隨後便是如假包換的軍事干涉。喂，難道安理會通過的相關決議允許這麼做嗎?一點都沒有!然後是阿富汗，接下來是伊拉克，在利比亞問題上，聯合國安理會的決議也被公然撕毀，說好的是開闢禁飛區，結果公然開始轟炸了。
There was a whole series of controlled "colour"
revolutions. Clearly, the people in those nations, where these events took
place, were sick of tyranny and poverty, of their lack of prospects; but these
feelings were taken advantage of cynically. Standards were imposed on these
nations that did not in any way correspond to their way of life, traditions, or
these peoples' cultures. As a result, instead of democracy and freedom, there
was chaos, outbreaks in violence and a series of upheavals. The Arab Spring
turned into the Arab Winter.
還有一連串的「顏色革命」。我理解，這些國家的人民受夠了暴政、貧困和沒有前景的日子，但是他們的情感被人無恥地利用了。這些國家被強加了一些既不適應生活習慣、也不符合傳統和民族文化的政治標準。最後帶來的不是民主和自由，而是混亂、暴力和接二連三的政變。「阿拉伯之春」已經變成了「阿拉伯之冬」。
A similar situation unfolded in Ukraine. In 2004, to push the necessary
candidate through at the presidential elections, they thought up some sort of
third round that was not stipulated by the law. It was absurd and a mockery of
the constitution. And now, they have thrown in an organised and well-equipped
army of militants.
類似的劇情也在烏克蘭發生了。2004年，為了把需要的候選人送上總統寶座，硬是搞出了個法律框架外的什麼第三輪選舉。這種荒謬絕倫的事情純粹就是在嘲笑憲法。而現在呢，乾脆赤膊上陣，訓練充分、裝備精良的武裝分子被拉出來解決問題。
We understand what is happening; we understand that these
actions were aimed against Ukraine and Russia and against Eurasian integration.
And all this while Russia strived to engage in dialogue with our colleagues in
the West. We are constantly proposing co-operation on all key issues; we want
to strengthen our level of trust and for our relations to be equal, open and
fair. But we saw no reciprocal steps.
我們明白現在所發生的一切，我們明白，這些行為的目標是指向烏克蘭和俄羅斯的，指向歐亞的融合。儘管如此，俄羅斯還是真心希望能與西方的盟友展開對話。我們一直希望能就重要議題與西方國家展開合作，希望能加強彼此之間的信任，希望我們之間的關係是平等、開放且誠實的。但我們沒看到你們為此所做的任何努力。
On the contrary, they have lied to us many times, made
decisions behind our backs, placed us before an accomplished fact. This
happened with Nato's expansion to the east, as well as the deployment of
military infrastructure at our borders. They kept telling us the same thing:
"Well, this does not concern you." That's easy to say.
相反!我們一次又一次地被欺騙，別人在我們背後替我們做決定，留給我們的都是既成事實。這在北約東擴時發生過，在他們把軍事設施放在我們邊境邊上時也發生過。西方一直向我們保證：「喏，這跟你們沒有關係。」沒有關係?說得好輕巧!
It happened with the deployment of a missile defence
system. In spite of all our apprehensions, the project is working and moving
forward. It happened with the endless foot-dragging in the talks on visa
issues, promises of fair competition and free access to global markets.
美國反導系統也是這樣推進的。儘管我們對此十分憂心，那些(裝有反導系統)的卡車還是往前開。俄羅斯獲得公平競爭與自由市場的許諾，然而在簽證事宜的談判上，西方卻一拖再拖，還是這樣。
Today, we are being threatened with sanctions, but we already experience many
limitations, ones that are quite significant for us, our economy and our
nation. For example, still during the times of the Cold War, the US and
subsequently other nations restricted a large list of technologies and
equipment from being sold to the USSR, creating the Co-ordinating Committee for
Multilateral Export Controls list. Today, they have formally been eliminated,
but only formally; and in reality, many limitations are still in effect.
有人威脅要制裁我們！可就算不制裁，我們也已經生活在層層限制之下了，這些限制對我們的人民、經濟與國家來說非常致命。比方說，從美蘇冷戰時開始，發達國家就拒絕向俄羅斯輸入先進技術與設備，還列了一個所謂的禁運名單(巴黎統籌委員會——觀察者網注)。今天，這些限制看起來是解除了，但實際上依然存在。
In short, we have every reason to assume that the infamous policy of
containment, led in the 18th, 19th and 20th Centuries, continues today. They
are constantly trying to sweep us into a corner because we have an independent
position, because we maintain it and because we call things like they are and
do not engage in hypocrisy. But there is a limit to everything. And with
Ukraine, our Western partners have crossed the line, playing the bear and
acting irresponsibly and unprofessionally.
總而言之，我們有理由認為，無論在十八世紀、十九世紀還是在二十世紀，對俄羅斯的高壓政治都聲名狼藉，到現在依然聲名狼藉。就因為我們有自己的立場!因為我們用自己的觀點來看待問題!因為我們不虛偽!所以我們總是被邊緣化。但是凡事都有個極限。在烏克蘭事件上我們的西方夥伴們玩過火了，表現得十分粗俗、不負責任，且很不專業。
After all, they were fully aware that there are millions
of Russians living in Ukraine and in Crimea. They must have really lacked
political instinct and common sense not to foresee all the consequences of
their actions. Russia found itself in a position it could not retreat from. If
you compress the spring all the way to its limit, it will snap back hard. You
must always remember this.
他們很清楚，無論是在烏克蘭還是在克里米亞都住著上百萬的俄羅斯人。這些人是多麼地沒有政治預見和分寸感?才會如此不顧後果的的行動啊!俄羅斯現在退到了無路可退的邊緣，就像一根彈簧被壓到底，它是會猛烈地彈起來的。要永遠記住這一點。
Today, it is imperative to end this hysteria, to refute
the rhetoric of the Cold War and to accept the obvious fact: Russia is an
independent, active participant in international affairs; like other countries,
it has its own national interests that need to be taken into account and
respected.
今天，我們必須阻止那些歇斯底里的叫囂，要對冷戰的宣揚者們說不。(你們)必須要承認：俄羅斯是國際事件中自主且積極的參與者。俄羅斯和其他國家一樣，有自己的國家利益，需要得到理解和尊重。
At the same time, we are grateful to all those who understood our actions
in Crimea; we are grateful to the people of China, whose leaders have always
considered the situation in Ukraine and Crimea taking into account the full
historical and political context, and greatly appreciate India's reserve and
objectivity.
我們感謝理解我們在克里米亞行動的人們，我們感激中國，中國領導人從歷史和政治角度全面地考慮了克里米亞局勢;我們高度評價印度的冷靜與客觀。
Today, I would like to address the people of the United States of America,
the people who, since the foundation of their nation and adoption of the
Declaration of Independence, have been proud to hold freedom above all else.
Isn't the desire of Crimea's residents to freely choose their fate such a
value? Please understand us.
今天我還想問美國人民，問這些為獨立宣言而自豪的人，問這些認為自由高於一切的人：克里米亞人民自由選擇自己的命運，難道不正是體現了這高於一切的價值嗎?理解理解我們吧。
I believe that the Europeans, first and foremost, the Germans, will also
understand me. Let me remind you that in the course
of political consultations on the unification of East and West Germany, at the
very high level, some nations that were then and are now Germany's allies did
not support the idea of unification. Our nation, however, unequivocally
supported the sincere, unstoppable desire of the Germans for national unity. I
am confident that you have not forgotten this, and I expect that the citizens
of Germany will also support the aspiration of the Russians, of historical
Russia, to restore unity.
我相信歐洲人會理解我們的，尤其是德國人。在東德與西德合併的政治協商中，並非德國的(西方)盟國都支持這一合併。而我們則相反，蘇聯完全贊成德國人的歷史性統一。我相信德國人沒有忘記這一點，希望德國公民們也能支持俄羅斯的恢復民族統一的努力。
I also want to address the people of Ukraine. I sincerely want you to
understand us: we do not want to harm you in any way, or to hurt your national
feelings. We have always respected the territorial
integrity of the Ukrainian state, incidentally, unlike those who sacrificed
Ukraine's unity for their political ambitions. They flaunt slogans about
Ukraine's greatness, but they are the ones who did everything to divide the
nation. Today's civil standoff is entirely on their conscience.
我也在這裡對烏克蘭人民說，我真心希望你們能理解我們：我們無論如何都不想傷害你們，不願傷害你們的民族感情。我們始終尊重烏克蘭的領土完整，我們和那些為了自己的野心而犧牲烏克蘭統一的人不一樣。他們舉著「烏克蘭至上」的標語口號，但正是他們在不惜一切地分裂這個國家。今日亂象的罪魁禍首正是他們。
I want you to hear me, my dear friends. Do not believe those who want you
to fear Russia, shouting that other regions will follow Crimea. We do not want
to divide Ukraine; we do not need that. As for Crimea, it was and remains a
Russian, Ukrainian and Crimean-Tatar land.
親愛的烏克蘭朋友們，希望你們能聽我說。不要相信那些用俄羅斯來嚇唬你們的人，他們宣稱，在克里米亞之後還會有其他地區會被俄羅斯割占。我們不想看到烏克蘭的分裂，我們不需要。至於克里米亞，它始終是俄羅斯人的，是烏克蘭人的，是克里米亞韃靼人的。
I repeat, just as it has been for centuries, it will be a
home to all the peoples living there. What it will never be and do is follow in
Bandera's footsteps!
我再重複一遍，在過去的幾個世紀克里米亞是所有生活其上的人的故鄉，它在今後也將如此。但它永遠不會是班傑拉分子們的!
Crimea is our common historical legacy and a very important factor in
regional stability. And this strategic territory should be part of a strong and
stable sovereignty, which today can only be Russian.
Otherwise, dear friends (I am addressing both Ukraine and Russia), you and we -
the Russians and the Ukrainians - could lose Crimea completely, and that could
happen in the near historical perspective. Please think about it.
克里米亞是我們共同的財富，是地區穩定的重要因素。這片戰略要地應當處於強大而穩定的主權之下，而在今天，這一主權國家只能是俄羅斯。否則……我親愛的朋友們，我不僅要對烏克蘭人說，還要對俄羅斯人說，我們和你們，俄羅斯人和烏克蘭人，我們都將會很快失去克里米亞。請考慮一下我所說的這些話吧。
Let me note too that we have already heard declarations from Kiev about
Ukraine soon joining Nato. What would this have meant for Crimea and Sevastopol
in the future? It would have meant that Nato's navy
would be right there in this city of Russia's military glory, and this would
create not an illusory but a perfectly real threat to the whole of southern
Russia. These are things that could have become reality were it not for the choice
the Crimean people made, and I want to say thank you to them for this.
我再提醒一下，在基輔已經有人揚言加速烏克蘭加入北約的進程了。這對克里米亞和塞瓦斯托波爾意味著什麼?這意味著在俄羅斯的軍事榮耀之城將會出現北約的艦隊，而這將會威脅俄羅斯南部，這不是什麼稍縱即逝的騷擾，而是切切實實的威脅。如果沒有克里米亞人的這一選擇，這一切都很可能會發生。為此我要感謝克里米亞人民。
But let me say too that we are not opposed to
co-operation with Nato, for this is certainly not the case. For all the
internal processes within the organisation, Nato remains a military alliance,
and we are against having a military alliance making itself at home right in
our backyard or in our historic territory. I simply cannot imagine that we
would travel to Sevastopol to visit Nato sailors. Of course, most of them are
wonderful guys, but it would be better to have them come and visit us, be our
guests, rather than the other way round.
順便說一下，我們不反對與北約合作，完全不反對。我們反對的是在存在軍事集團對抗的情況下，北約關起門來自己發展軍事組織，我們反對軍事組織霸佔我們家門口甚至駐紮在我們的歷史領土上。我完全不能想像我們到克里米亞的北約艦隊去作客。最好讓他們到我的克里米亞來作客，而不是我們去他們那兒。
Let me say quite frankly that it pains our hearts to see
what is happening in Ukraine at the moment, see the people's suffering and
their uncertainty about how to get through today and what awaits them tomorrow.
Our concerns are understandable because we are not simply close neighbours but,
as I have said many times already, we are one people. Kiev is the mother of Russian
cities. Ancient Rus is our common source and we cannot live without each other.
坦率地說，我們為現在烏克蘭所發生的一切心痛，烏克蘭人民在受苦，他們不知道今天該如何生活，明天又會怎麼樣。我們的這份擔心很容易理解，要知道我們是近鄰，我們實際上是一個民族。基輔是俄羅斯城市的母親，基輔羅斯是我們共同的源頭，我們無論如何都不能缺了對方。
Let me say one other thing too. Millions of Russians and
Russian-speaking people live in Ukraine and will continue to do so. Russia will
always defend their interests using political, diplomatic and legal means. But
it should be above all in Ukraine's own interest to ensure that these people's
rights and interests are fully protected. This is the guarantee of Ukraine's
state stability and territorial integrity.
再說一點，在烏克蘭生活著也將繼續生活著千百萬的俄羅斯人、說俄語的人，而俄羅斯將始終用政治、外交和法律手段來保護這些人的利益。當然，首先奉勸烏克蘭自己要關心百姓的權益。這是烏克蘭國家和領土主權完整的保證。
We want to be friends with Ukraine and we want Ukraine to be a strong, sovereign
and self-sufficient country. Ukraine is one of our biggest partners after all.
We have many joint projects and I believe in their
success no matter what the current difficulties. Most importantly, we want
peace and harmony to reign in Ukraine, and we are ready to work together with
other countries to do everything possible to facilitate and support this. But
as I said, only Ukraine's own people can put their own house in order.
我們希望能和烏克蘭保持友誼，希望烏克蘭是強大且自給自足的主權國家。對我們來說，烏克蘭是首要盟友之一，我們有許多共同的項目，無論在何種情況下我都相信這些項目會取得成功。最重要的是，我們希望烏克蘭一片和睦，俄羅斯願意和其他國家一起提供一切可能的援助與支持。但是，我再重申，這只有在烏克蘭人民自己能夠維護社會秩序的情況下次才能實現。
Residents of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, the whole
of Russia admired your courage, dignity and bravery. It was you who decided
Crimea's future. We were closer than ever over these days, supporting each
other. These were sincere feelings of solidarity. It is at historic turning
points such as these that a nation demonstrates its maturity and strength of
spirit. The Russian people showed this maturity and strength through their
united support for their compatriots.
尊敬的克里米亞和塞瓦斯托波爾居民! 過去幾天，整個俄羅斯都為你們的英勇和尊嚴所歎服，正是你們決定了克里米亞的命運。在這些天裡，我們從來沒有這麼近過，我們互相扶持。這是真正的團結。這種歷史性的時刻體現了一個民族的成熟以及精神成就。俄羅斯人民表現出了如此成熟而強大的力量，用團結統一支持了自己的同胞。
Russia's foreign policy position on this matter drew its
firmness from the will of millions of our people, our national unity and the
support of our country's main political and public forces. I want to thank
everyone for this patriotic spirit, everyone without exception. Now, we need to
continue and maintain this kind of consolidation so as to resolve the tasks our
country faces on its road ahead.
數百萬人民的意志是俄羅斯外交堅定立場的後盾。全民族的團結、各主要政治和社會力量的支持是它的基礎。我感謝所有人表現出的愛國情感，感謝所有俄羅斯同胞。但對我們來說，重要的是在將來也保持這種團結，以解決俄羅斯面臨的各種問題。
Obviously, we will encounter external opposition, but
this is a decision that we need to make for ourselves. Are we ready to
consistently defend our national interests, or will we forever give in, retreat
to who knows where? Some Western politicians are already threatening us with
not just sanctions but also the prospect of increasingly serious problems on
the domestic front. I would like to know what it is they have in mind exactly:
action by a fifth column, this disparate bunch of "national traitors",
or are they hoping to put us in a worsening social and economic situation so as
to provoke public discontent? We consider such statements irresponsible and
clearly aggressive in tone, and we will respond to them accordingly. At the
same time, we will never seek confrontation with our partners, whether in the
East or the West, but on the contrary, will do everything we can to build
civilised and good-neighbourly relations as one is supposed to in the modern
world.
顯而易見，我們正遭遇來自外部的各種壓力，但我們應當自己決定，我們是要捍衛自己的民族利益，還是將其拱手讓人，不知所措?已經有些西方政客用制裁和內部矛盾激化來威脅我們了。我想知道，他們期望的矛盾是什麼?他們指的是形形色色的「國家叛徒」呢，還是他們覺得能打擊俄羅斯經濟，激起民眾的不滿?我們將接下這些不負責任、極具攻擊性的言論，並用相應的手段來回應。無論在東方還是西方，我們永遠不會挑起與盟國的對抗，相反，我們將採取一切必要的手段來建立文明的睦鄰友好關係，這正是當今世界所需要的。
Colleagues, I understand the people of Crimea, who put
the question in the clearest possible terms in the referendum: should Crimea be
with Ukraine or with Russia? We can be sure in saying that the authorities in
Crimea and Sevastopol, the legislative authorities, when they formulated the
question, set aside group and political interests and made the people's
fundamental interests alone the cornerstone of their work. The particular
historic, population, political and economic circumstances of Crimea would have
made any other proposed option - however tempting it could be at the first
glance - only temporary and fragile and would have inevitably led to further
worsening of the situation there, which would have had disastrous effects on
people's lives.
尊敬的同事們! 我能理解克里米亞人的心聲。他們在公投中提出的問題既直接又明確：克里米亞要麼和烏克蘭在一起，要麼和俄羅斯在一起。我很自信地說，克里米亞與塞瓦斯托波爾的領導人、立法機構的代表們在制定公投問題時，已經超越了自己團體的政治利益，而是首先考慮了人民的根本利益。但鑒於這一地區在歷史、人口、政治和經濟上的特殊性，任何別的選項無論乍看起來多麼誘人，都只能是過渡的、臨時的、不穩定的，必然導致克里米亞局勢進一步惡化，並對人民的生活帶來災難性影響。
The people of Crimea thus decided to put the question in
firm and uncompromising form, with no grey areas. The referendum was fair and
transparent, and the people of Crimea clearly and convincingly expressed their
will and stated that they want to be with Russia.
克里米亞的公投選項是強硬的、毫不妥協的、沒有任何似是而非的成分。公投的過程公開又誠實，克里米亞人民清晰地、堅決地說出了自己的聲音：他們想要和俄羅斯在一起!
Russia will also have to make a difficult decision now,
taking into account the various domestic and external considerations. What do
people here in Russia think? Here, like in any democratic country, people have
different points of view, but I want to make the point that the absolute
majority of our people clearly do support what is happening.
考慮到種種內外因素，俄羅斯也面臨著艱難的選擇。俄羅斯人民現在持什麼觀點?就像任何一個民主國家那樣，俄羅斯人也有不同的觀點，但是絕大多數——我想要強調是絕大多數——俄羅斯公民的立場都是顯而易見的。
The most recent public opinion surveys conducted here in
Russia show that 95% of people think that Russia should
protect the interests of Russians and members of other ethnic groups living in
Crimea - 95% of our citizens. More than 83% think that Russia should do this
even if it will complicate our relations with some other countries. A total of
86% of our people see Crimea as still being Russian territory and part of our
country's lands. And one particularly important figure, which corresponds
exactly with the result in Crimea's referendum: almost 92% of our people
support Crimea's reunification with Russia.
你們知道不久前在俄羅斯進行的幾場民調結果：大約百分之九十五的俄羅斯公民認為，俄國應該保護克里米亞俄羅斯族及其他民族居民的利益，百分之九十五!還有超過百分之八十三的受訪者認為，即使代價是俄國與某些國家關係惡化，俄羅斯仍應該這麼做。百分之八十六的我國公民相信，克里米亞至今仍是俄羅斯的領土，是俄羅斯的土地。這是非常重要的數據，它絕對能和克里米亞公投的結果相呼應——百分之九十二的克里米亞人支持與俄羅斯合併。
Thus we see that the overwhelming majority of people in
Crimea and the absolute majority of the Russian Federation's people support the
reunification of the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol with Russia.
因此，壓倒性多數的克里米亞居民和絕對多數的俄羅斯聯邦公民都作出了決定，支持克里米亞共和國和塞瓦斯托波爾市與俄羅斯聯邦重新合併。
Now this is a matter for Russia's own political decision,
and any decision here can be based only on the people's will, because the
people is the ultimate source of all authority.
這是俄羅斯的政治決定。它的根據只能是人民的意志，因為人民、只有人民是政權的源泉。
Members of the Federation Council, deputies of the state
Duma [parliament], citizens of Russia, residents of Crimea and Sevastopol:
today, in accordance with the people's will, I submit to the Federal Assembly a
request to consider a constitutional law on the creation of two new constituent
entities within the Russian Federation: the Republic of Crimea and the city of
Sevastopol, and to ratify the treaty on admitting to the Russian Federation
Crimea and Sevastopol, which is already ready for signing.
尊敬的聯邦委員會成員們! 尊敬的國家杜馬議員們! 俄羅斯公民、克里米亞與塞瓦斯托波爾的居民們! 根據在克里米亞舉行的全民公決的結果，尊崇人民的意願，我把《接受兩個新聯邦主體：克里米亞共和國和塞瓦斯托波爾市加入俄羅斯》的憲法性法律提交聯邦委員會審議，並請聯邦委員會批准待簽的《克里米亞共和國和塞瓦斯托波爾市加入俄羅斯聯邦條約》。
I stand assured of your support.
我不會懷疑你們的支持。